Los inmigrantes en la ciudad
Chapingo (Mexico). [email protected] From a general and far reaching point of view, Latin America's rural areas support the Primary-Exporting . and productivist approaches of the industrialization period that date from the 20th Century. .. La América Latina y la economía mundial en el largo siglo XX. principales opositores de la globalizacion yahoo dating · kastoria furs online .. free dating sites no profile · economia de america latina en el siglo xix yahoo. La globalización económica es una de las tres dimensiones más importantes comúnmente La globalización no se reanudó totalmente hasta los años 70, cuando los gobiernos La Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL) establece que para crear mejores Chinese Philosophical Studies, XX.
By stressing the need for a global historical view that reintroduces the Latin American critical thinking tradition, the urgency for public policies that stop neoliberal prescriptions and seek to strengthen peasant and indigenous agriculture in order to encourage rural development based on food sovereignty, democracy, equity and sustainability were established.
Introduction Latin American farmlands constitute a very complex framework because they entail a wide range of dimensions, such as food production, raw material supply, democracy and sustainability issues, poverty alleviation, and the promotion of a more appropriate relationship with urban areas and the global economy. From a general and far reaching point of view, Latin America's rural areas support the Primary-Exporting Model, which resulted in a close link between the countries of said region and the global economy in the last third of the 19th Century and up to the recession Sunkel, ; Ocampo, Subsequently, by means of nuances developed over time and space, farmlands, and more specifically producers, subsidized the Import Substitution Industrialization.
Farmlands contributed money raised from agricultural exports in order to finance industrial machinery and equipment imports, produced cheap raw materials and surplus food that enabled the agricultural industry to work at low wages and consumables costs, provided a strong disciplined workforce, and consolidated an internal market of agricultural products. On the other hand, policies employed to stimulate industries were often prejudicial to the traditional agricultural sector Baer, The strong reconsolidation of Latin American farmlands in the s must be seen as a result of the Import Substitution Industrialization ISI depletion and its definitive collapse caused by the debt crisis Valenzuela, The subsequent recession resulted in neoliberal restructuring.
The main objective of this article is to provide a critical reflection of the Rural Territorial Development's approach, as well as the New Rurality concept on which it is based, so as to identify its conceptual constraints and, more to the point, the differences between said approach and the principal challenges faced by Latin American rural areas. Moreover, the need for public policies that stop neoliberal prescriptions and seek to strengthen peasant and indigenous agriculture so as to encourage rural development based on food sovereignty, democracy, fairness and sustainability is stressed.
The aforementioned reflections bear great importance, given that the RTD's approach rules Latin American organizations that develop policies regarding farmlands and support academic views lacking a critical perspective on the constraints entailed in such approaches, among which the most notable is that it benefits government policies that weaken the rural world.
The discussion is based on the principal challenges faced by Latin American rural areas and a review of the RTD's requirements. Our hypothesis is that the economic emphasis of RTD reduces the scope for rural development and favors an inappropriate characterization of the changes that have taken place since the s, leading to the present review.
Lastly, the need to encourage rural territorial development processes in the context of a global historical view that determine the most common challenges along with conflicts of interests and powers involved in said development is also stressed. Challenges in Contemporary Latin American Rural Areas A panoramical approach that seeks to identify the general characteristics of Latin American farmlands must be seen as a methodological resource for elucidating the main challenges and evolution processes they face without discrediting the environmental, technoproductive, and sociocultural diversity by which they are distinguished.
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Necessarily, this approximation will be prevented from being exhaustive. The main thing that must be identified is the complexity of rural areas, which will require an inter- and trans-disciplinary approach, along with a global historical perspective. As a result, discussions on rural development policy frameworks, among which the most notable is RTD, must start from the characterization of the global cumulative processes faced by Latin American farmlands.
In the last two decades of the 20th Century, by order of neoliberal governments, Latin American farmlands were subject to unfavorable and sudden trade liberalization in combination with a reduction in farm-household expense subsidies, which sought to consolidate an agricultural exporting model primarily based on fruits, flowers and vegetables in accordance with the United States' food hegemony. Said restructuring resulted in the weakening of peasant production, the hunt for non-agricultural income sources, an increase in migration, the loss of food sovereignty, the globalization of agribusinesses regarding crop exportsand the import of basic grains.
The devaluation of rural producers Rubio, led to the growing concern over poverty issues Kay, As the United States flooded Latin American markets with food at dumping prices in order to dismantle internal production with the connivance of neoliberal governments, academics made every effort to supply documentary evidence on the New Rurality concept, which is characterized by the devalued role of agricultural activities in rural incomes and the general economies of rural areas.
The rural reaction to the abovementioned devaluation and exclusion process inherent in neoliberal policies was crucial to the rise of popular governments in the early years of the 21st Century. The evolution of the Latin American political scenario in the first decade of the third millennium corresponded with the decline of the United States' global leading role, which reached a critical point due to the food, energy, and financial crisis of Rubio, It is important to stress that China's and India's economic dynamism in the s Bustelo, exerted a strong influence on Latin America, which led to a rise in raw material prices since the s and mainly at the beginning of the current century; hence several countries reintroduced the primary-exporting model.
The rise of popular and redistributive governments has provided the possibility of channeling key resources into social expenditure and developing infrastructure Rubio, ; however, said possibility has been questioned due to the political and environmental implications of neo-extractivism Hidalgo, Nowadays, Latin American farmlands face long-established problems and obstacles derived from their participation in the global capitalist restructuring process.
Said challenges largely exceed the RTD's scope. Guillermo Almeyra put forth that the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse in the Latin American rural framework, which destroy the Nature and rural way of life, are massive migration and farmland abandonment, the environmental predation caused by large mining industries, water capitalist use through large dams, and the globalization of monoculture agribusinesses.
When taking into account the core basis of the former situation shared between the Bravo River and the Patagonia, it is possible to establish a more accurate framework of the challenges faced by Latin American farmlands.
According to this, the longestablished problem regarding rural poverty has its roots in migration, a basic feature of Latin American farmlands that became part of the global capital accumulation process because rural incomes precluded the social development of rural areas .
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The globalization of monoculture agribusinesses, whose prototype are large companies that create green deserts so as to produce soy, along with forestry and biofuels plantations, causes the loss of food sovereignty in Latin American countries as a consequence of the profit-oriented production, a dismantling that has lasted three decades.
The promotion of mining industries and large hydroelectric power plants constitute capitalist restructuring requirements that Latin American rural areas must meet at the expense of their natural patrimony. In fact, the importance of gold, which is seen as a valuable reserve in comparison to Dollars and Euros due to their devaluation, fuses with the growing demand for the so-called rare earth metals, a source monopolized by China that is indispensable to Information and Communication Technologies, as well as to aerospace and alternative energy sectors.
Said factors led to an avalanche of transnational mining companies in charge of exploiting gold and traditional minerals and conducting prospecting studies. Large projects related to the creation of dams and aeolian energy sources are aimed at searching for a change in energy production that reduces the impacts of global warming through renewable sources and restoring the capitalist profitability that has been affected by high oil prices.
If production weakening is by definition the loss of food sovereignty and social underdevelopment means migration, the inevitable result is the environmental and institutional weakening of Latin American farmlands, constituting a red flag within the RTD's scope. It is widely known that Latin American rural areas are facing a rapid degradation of their natural resources, which results in the loss of forests, soil erosion, rivers and water body contamination, alterations in the hydrologic cycle, genetic erosion and a notorious vulnerability to the meteorological phenomena derived from climate change.
According to this perspective, the history of Latin American farmlands also encompasses an account of natural patrimony deterioration, which starts with the resource dispossession derived from the primary-exporting model in the later years of the 19th century and ends with the current reintroduction of mining and agricultural exports that was preceded by the structuralist and productivist approaches of the industrialization period that date from the 20th Century.
The weakening of Latin American countryside institutions is largely reflected in the lack of governmental bodies among extensive rural territories and public institutions in extremely relevant areas, such as technical assistance. Said weakening results from neoliberal policies whose principal aim was to dismantle state systems related to profitable production so as to gain more competitiveness and favor the agricultural exporting model.
Neoliberal policies, New Rurality, and Rural Territorial Development In order to face the aforesaid problems regarding Latin American farmlands, comprehensive definitions not included within the RTD's conceptual scope and a reconceptualization of the so-called New Rurality are required.
Latin American sociologists, economists, and geographers have shown preference to the concept of New Rurality over Neoliberal Rurality. This has been the case despite they are referring to the elements that explain the situation of Latin American farmlands amid neoliberal globalization, particularly when inspecting those elements from a global, historical, and structural perspective.
The aforesaid preference shows the blurring of metanarratives derived from the weakening of Latin American critical thinking Altamirano et al. For this reason, the so-called New Rurality constitutes a sort of watershed that was imported from Europe Rojas, for the classification of different conceptual twists that are not consistently explained due to the rejection of more comprehensive theoretical categorizations.
For instance, the conceptualization of neoliberal globalization does not depict it as a capitalist phase that leads to changes in urban and rural areas, the disjointed subordination of agriculture to industry, and alterations in rural society among which the most notable is deagriculturalization that are reflected in migration increases and the development of non-agricultural income sources.
En Estados Unidos la llegada de inmigrantes durante el siglo XIX supuso, lo hemos dicho, la arribada de contingentes de origen y culturas muy diversas. La convivencia, el intercambio, el conocimiento mutuo avanza.
La ciudad transforma a los llegados, pero se enriquece y transforma al mismo tiempo con ellos. Respecto a esto los datos son igualmente concluyentes. Las posibilidades que ofrece la ciudad en ese sentido son siempre infinitamente mayores que las que se dan en el campo.
De manera semejante, el papel de los inmigrantes en el desarrollo de la ciudad ha sido reconocido multitud de veces. Sobre todo de las ciudades norteamericanas en general 32y respecto a algunas en particular, como Nueva York. Es el caso, por ejemplo, de Barcelona. De un total de escritores barceloneses de los siglos XVI al XIX 36los porcentajes de nacidos fuera de Barcelona ha sido los siguientes: Los grupos marginales o vencidos se situaban normalmente en lugares aparte: Como resultado de ello, los miembros de una raza tienden a pensar que son diferentes de otros grupos de personas, y los otros grupos pueden tratarlos como si realmente lo fueran.
En ese sentido puede ser un sentimiento beneficioso. Incluso puede decirse que en nuestro siglo son menores, especialmente en la ciudad industrial, debido al establecimiento del Estado de Bienestar. Aunque, naturalmente, pueden aumentar con el desmantelamiento del mismo, si se produce. En el caso de Barcelona los problemas no son especialmente graves, si comparamos con otras ciudades europeas o americanas. La importancia creciente del conocimiento en esta sociedad hace que adquiera un papel decisivo la mano de obra calificada.
En esencia, hemos de distinguir entre dos tipos de migraciones.
En segundo lugar, los inmigrantes de origen extranjero. En el censo de los inscritos en el censo eran En eran ya En la cifra de oficialmente inscritos era de La paradoja es que, por un lado esos trabajadores extranjeros se siguen necesitando: O para prescindir de ellos si resulta necesario.América Latina siglo XIX
Que es precisamente lo que ha ocurrido con los inmigrantes: Cuando los grupos de viejos, desempleados, inmigrantes, pobres tienen localizaciones segregadas eso se debe en buena parte a las rentas limitadas que les impiden elegir otras localizaciones. Especialmente importantes pueden ser los conflictos entre viejos y nuevos inmigrantes. En primer lugar entre los viejos inmigrantes nacionales, ya integrados en la ciudad, pero afectados por problemas de desempleo, y los nuevos inmigrantes, nacionales o extranjeros.
Pero la realidad de las fronteras estatales y las obligaciones de los estados hacia sus propios ciudadanos conducen a limitaciones efectivas de dichos derechos.
Pero el tiempo puede no bastar. En segundo lugar del deseo de asimilarse. Lo que ocurre cuando se es minoritario en un lugar pero se tiene conciencia de la superioridad. Puede haber tambien grupos de inmigrantes que no aceptan ciertas formas del grupo de acogida.
Y desean conservar una parte de esa cultura propia, aceptando, sin embargo, las normas sociales generales de la sociedad en que se integran. Aunque eso se hiciera desde perspectivas nacionalistas y con un lenguaje biologicista que trataba de presentar los problemas y soluciones como inscritos en el orden de la naturaleza.